
April 2026 delivered some of the term’s most consequential decisions. The Supreme Court addressed federal officer removal, police reasonable suspicion, pipeline litigation deadlines, military contractor liability, donor privacy, and race-conscious redistricting under the Voting Rights Act.
The month’s cases were not quiet procedural cleanups. They went directly to power: who gets into federal court, who can sue contractors, when police can stop someone, how states can draw congressional maps, and whether government subpoenas can chill political or religious association.
April’s rulings reveal a Court that is highly protective of certain forms of access and association, but deeply skeptical of race-conscious government action.1) Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump
1) Chevron USA Inc. v. Plaquemines Parish
No. 24-813 — Apr. 17, 2026
Decision:
The Supreme Court held that Chevron could remove Louisiana coastal-damage litigation to federal court under the federal officer removal statute.
Opinion:
The Court ruled that Chevron plausibly alleged a close relationship between the challenged oil-production conduct and federal duties connected to wartime aviation-fuel production. That was enough to satisfy the statute’s “relating to” requirement.
Vote Breakdown:
Unanimous decision. Justice Thomas authored the opinion. Justice Jackson concurred. Justice Alito did not participate. (Dorsey & Whitney)
What it means for the public:
Companies connected to federal wartime or government-directed work may have a broader path to move state lawsuits into federal court.
Who benefits:
Federal contractors and companies invoking federal-officer removal.
Who gets harmed:
State and local plaintiffs seeking to keep environmental lawsuits in state court.
Who stays central:
Federal courts deciding how close the link must be between private conduct and federal direction.
Official Slip Opinion:
Available through the Supreme Court’s April 17, 2026 opinion listing.
2) District of Columbia v. R.W.
No. 25-248 — Apr. 20, 2026
Decision:
The Supreme Court held that police had reasonable suspicion to stop R.W. under the Fourth Amendment.
Opinion:
The Court reversed the D.C. Court of Appeals, which had held that the officer lacked reasonable articulable suspicion. The Supreme Court concluded that the facts available to the officer were enough to justify the stop.
Vote Breakdown:
Per curiam decision. Justice Jackson dissented. (Legal Information Institute)
What it means for the public:
Police may receive more deference when courts evaluate reasonable suspicion based on fast-moving street-level circumstances.
Who benefits:
Law enforcement defending investigatory stops.
Who gets harmed:
Defendants challenging stops as unsupported by reasonable suspicion.
Who stays central:
Courts interpreting how much suspicion the Fourth Amendment requires before police can seize someone.
Official Slip Opinion:
Available through the Supreme Court’s April 20, 2026 opinion listing.
3) Enbridge Energy, LP v. Nessel
No. 24-783 — Apr. 22, 2026
Decision:
The Supreme Court held that the 30-day deadline for removing a state-court case to federal court cannot be extended through equitable tolling.
Opinion:
The Court ruled that the text, structure, and context of the removal statute are inconsistent with equitable tolling. Enbridge’s removal was therefore untimely, and the case had to remain in state court.
Vote Breakdown:
Unanimous decision. Justice Sotomayor authored the opinion. (Supreme Court)
What it means for the public:
Defendants must act quickly if they want to remove a case to federal court.
Who benefits:
State plaintiffs seeking to enforce removal deadlines.
Who gets harmed:
Defendants who miss the statutory 30-day window.
Who stays central:
Congressional deadlines and courts enforcing them strictly.
Official Slip Opinion:
Available through the Supreme Court’s April 22, 2026 opinion listing.
4) Hencely v. Fluor Corp.
No. 24-924 — Apr. 22, 2026
Decision:
The Supreme Court held that federal law did not preempt an injured Army specialist’s state-law tort claims against military contractor Fluor where the federal government neither ordered nor authorized the challenged conduct.
Opinion:
The Court rejected the Fourth Circuit’s broad preemption approach. Military contractors do not receive blanket protection from state-law negligence claims simply because they operate in wartime environments.
Vote Breakdown:
6–3 decision. Justice Thomas authored the majority opinion. Justice Alito dissented, joined by Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Kavanaugh. (Ballotpedia)
What it means for the public:
Military contractors may face accountability when alleged misconduct was not specifically ordered or authorized by the federal government.
Who benefits:
Injured service members and plaintiffs suing contractors for negligence.
Who gets harmed:
Military contractors relying on broad wartime preemption defenses.
Who stays central:
Courts deciding when federal interests override state-law accountability.
Official Slip Opinion:
Available through the Supreme Court’s April 22, 2026 opinion listing.
5) First Choice Women’s Resource Centers, Inc. v. Davenport
No. 24-781 — Apr. 29, 2026
Decision:
The Supreme Court held that a nonprofit had Article III standing to challenge a New Jersey Attorney General subpoena seeking donor information.
Opinion:
The Court ruled that the subpoena itself created a present injury by burdening First Amendment associational rights, even before a state court ordered compliance.
Vote Breakdown:
Unanimous 9–0 decision. Justice Gorsuch authored the opinion. (Ballotpedia)
What it means for the public:
Organizations may challenge government demands for donor information before forced disclosure occurs.
Who benefits:
Nonprofits, advocacy groups, religious organizations, and donors concerned about compelled disclosure.
Who gets harmed:
State officials using investigatory subpoenas that implicate associational privacy.
Who stays central:
First Amendment associational rights and courts deciding when government investigations chill participation.
Official Slip Opinion:
Available through the Supreme Court’s April 29, 2026 opinion listing.
6) Louisiana v. Callais
No. 24-109 — Apr. 29, 2026
Decision:
The Supreme Court held that Louisiana’s congressional map was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander because the Voting Rights Act did not require the state to create an additional majority-minority district.
Opinion:
The Court ruled that compliance with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act did not provide a compelling interest for Louisiana’s race-conscious map. The decision significantly narrowed how states may use race when drawing districts.
Vote Breakdown:
6–3 decision. Justice Alito authored the majority opinion, joined by Roberts, Thomas, Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett. The liberal justices dissented. (NAAG)
What it means for the public:
States face tighter constitutional limits when using race to draw majority-minority districts, even when they claim they are trying to comply with the Voting Rights Act.
Who benefits:
Plaintiffs challenging race-conscious district maps.
Who gets harmed:
Voting-rights advocates and minority voters who rely on Section 2 remedies to challenge vote dilution.
Who stays central:
State legislatures, minority voters, and courts deciding the line between VRA compliance and unconstitutional racial gerrymandering.
Official Slip Opinion:
Available through the Supreme Court’s April 29, 2026
What April 2026 Actually Changed
April was the month the Court moved from procedure into power. It expanded access to federal court for companies tied to federal duties, but enforced strict removal deadlines against defendants who waited too long. It allowed lawsuits against military contractors to continue when the government did not authorize the specific conduct. It strengthened donor privacy claims against state subpoenas.
But the month’s biggest shift came in voting rights. Louisiana v. Callais marked a major turn in the Court’s treatment of race-conscious redistricting. The ruling did not simply decide one map. It changed the incentives for states, litigants, and courts trying to reconcile the Voting Rights Act with equal-protection limits.
The winners in April were donor privacy, contractor accountability in unauthorized-conduct cases, federal-officer removal, and plaintiffs challenging race-conscious maps.
The losers were state voting-rights remedies, late federal removal efforts, and broad contractor immunity claims.
For the public, April’s message was unmistakable. The Court is still willing to open courthouse doors, but it is increasingly strict about what justifications the government may use once it gets there.

